James CochraneCandidate for Middle · September 2026

Visualise how Government spends — and the size of the state.

Show the working · Track the promises · Say when I’m wrong

In 30 seconds

  • The account that pays for day-to-day Government went from a £92m surplus (2020) to a £263.9m deficit (2024), and Budget 2026 draws £126m from reserves to balance the books.
  • A £3.06bn unfunded pension liability is disclosed but never consolidated into one number you'd actually see. Every liability belongs on the balance sheet.
  • A plain-English “where it went” report every time the numbers move, and a headcount cap that excludes frontline clinical and care staff.
Bar chart: the General Revenue Account balance each March, in surplus until 2020 at 92 million pounds, then falling to a 263.9 million pound deficit by 2024.
None of this is secret; it's all in Treasury's own accounts. It's just never been joined up before. Full picture: ten years of accounts on one screen.

This page is about the Government’s own finances, not the wider economy — what it takes in, what it owes, and how many people it employs to do it. (Growth, cost of living and energy are on the Economy page.)

1 · Visualise how Government spends

This is a key issue, and one everyone needs to be engaged with. Government is spending more than it raises, and each year’s gap is closed by drawing on reserves — £126m of them in 2026-27 alone — this is never shown as one connected picture. The General Revenue Account’s own balance has gone from a surplus of £92.0m (2020) to a deficit of £263.9m (2024). The dedicated pension reserve ran dry in March 2023. And there’s a £3.06bn unfunded pension liability that doesn’t appear in any single headline Treasury figure — it’s disclosed, but never consolidated into one number you’d actually see. That figure also leans on the Government’s own migration assumptions: the discount rate used to calculate it carries roughly a one-percentage-point uplift tied to expected inward migration, worth an estimated £438m of the total. Take that assumption out, and the liability is that much bigger. None of this is secret — it’s all in Treasury’s own accounts. It’s just never been joined up before — which is why I joined it up: ten years of accounts, one screen, at the Observatory, with the full economic story in The Island That Stopped Growing, and projections on both the Manx State Pension and the Civil Service Pensions — which are paid out of departmental budgets.

The pension figure is the clearest example of a wider habit: plans quietly built on the assumption that the population keeps growing. That assumption may well be reasonable in some places — but reasonable or not, it should be stated, not buried in a discount rate or an unspoken business case. So I’d go further than the pension number alone: any Government policy that depends on continued population or migration growth should have that dependency explicitly identified, and the review or implementation of every policy should include a deliberate step that asks — does this only work if more people arrive, and what happens if they don’t? I’m not claiming to know which policies are exposed beyond the pension figure; the commitment is that we find out, and say so in the open.

What I’d do:

I will only accept accounts that are clear to you, the public. Treasury’s own accounts run to literally thousands of pages of PDF — nobody reads that, not you, not most Members, not half the Civil Servants who have to produce it. The alternative already exists: ten years of accounts on one screen, built and published at the Observatory. That’s the standard — a single, digital, always-current platform, not another PDF to file away unread.

None of the commitments across this site are free, and I won’t pretend they are. Where I’ve put a cost on something — childcare, bowel screening — it’s an estimated range, not a guarantee dressed up as a promise, and it has to be weighed against the deficit and pension gap on this page, not ignored alongside them. The same discipline I’m asking Government to apply to itself — cost it, publish it, before you commit to it — is the discipline I’ll hold my own proposals to before asking you to back them at the polls.

On tax specifically: I don’t think it’s a question you can answer on its own. The real question underneath it is whether we can sustainably fund a health and care system that’s free at the point of use — which I want to keep — given the deficit and pension pressures on this page. That has to be a public conversation, grounded in what things actually cost, not a rate picked first and worked backwards from. I’m not going into this election promising a tax rise, or ruling one out; I’m promising that conversation happens in the open, tied to the real numbers, not decided quietly and announced after the fact.

2 · A public sector sized for the Island we actually are

Our population is roughly what it was fifteen years ago, and by several measures the public sector is no more efficient today than it was in 2011. At the same time, “bloated public sector” is a doorstep line that’s more complicated than either side admits: most public-sector employee cost is Health & Care and Education, not sprawling bureaucracy. I’d rather show you the breakdown than assert it.

What I’d do:

What actually funds the services this pays for — growing the economy, above all its export sectors — is on the Economy page.

Check my working — the Observatory

Every figure above comes from a public source and most of them from tools you can go and check yourself at observatory.coalfinch.com — ten years of Government accounts on a single screen, instead of 2,500 pages.

Found something wrong, or something I’ve missed? Tell me — or book 15 minutes and tell me directly.